Introduction

One of the most captivating assumptions about digital technologies is perhaps that they can be a force for good. There has been and continues to be an overwhelming notion that we can solve many of the global issues around us with more developed technologies. If this is the case, then logically one could assume that digital technologies, including social media applications, could provide a way of democratizing discourse around climate change, allowing citizens to discuss and organize themselves towards adapting and mitigating the impact of climate change around them. What is presented here is the groundwork for a new research project in an under-developed area of study, focussing specifically on climate change narratives. It explores the context in which questions about the use of social media to democratize climate change narratives can be asked. This would include questions such as: ‘Can social media and digital technologies help to develop citizen resilience even in non-democratic countries like Myanmar (Burma)?’ Such a question requires us to understand the current political, social, and economic landscape around digital connectivity and social media use, so that we may identify what barriers and challenges might exist, in particularly in countries where democratic practices and norms are weak or non-existent.

Since its independence in 1948, Myanmar (formerly known as Burma) has had a history of sub-national, ethnic struggles as different groups have sought autonomy and representation within the state. From around 1962 through 2010, the state was ruled by a military junta which suppressed all dissent and opposition. However, in 2010, it began to see some gradual changes, accompanied by a transition towards political and economic liberalization. This led to free elections in 2015, which brough to government the National League for Democracy (NLD) and its leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, to serve as State Counsellor in late 2016, bringing about what many thought was a transition towards democracy.

What followed was a decade of movement towards liberalisation with political, social, and economic change within the country, which witnessed a diversification of media outlets, widening access to information, and the beginnings of external relations to build and develop the country economically. However, in 2017 the democratically elected government was damaged domestically and internationally by military operations in Rakhine state, causing over half a million Muslim Rohingyas to flee Myanmar into neighbouring states like Bangladesh, along with reports of violence and deaths. This military action highlighted the strength the military still possessed, ongoing fractions between different political and ethnic groups, and the NLD’s tenuous grasp on government at the time. This volatile situation eventually led to the most coup d’état of February 2021 and the reinstatement of military rule within the country.

Internet and Social Media Usage within Myanmar

DataReportal collates of data on internet usage, social media usage, and mobile connectivity within countries. Its data on Myanmar show some interesting trends related to digital technologies, allowing us to consider if social media could be utilised to have a democratizing impact on climate change narratives across the different ethnic states and regions within Myanmar.

Figure 1: Figures for Mobile Phone Connections, Internet Users, and Active Social Media Users. Source: DataReportal.

According to UN population data, between January 2020 and January 2024 Myanmar had an estimated population number between 54 and 55 million people. The snapshots (Figure 1) above illustrate a drop in mobile phone connections during this period – from 126% of the total population to 117.4%. These figures show that some people have more than one mobile connection, which could indicate multiple SIM cards or mobile phones in use per individual. In terms of internet usage and active social media users, the data shows an increase in internet users on any device and a decrease in social media users and accounts – although this does not necessarily represent an increase/decrease in the number of individual users, as there may be some statistical overlap caused by individual users using multiple devices to access the internet.

One of the more interesting things to note about the data on internet and social media traffic and access in Myanmar is illustrated in Figure 2 below. During the time between end of 2019 and end of 2023, the data shows there has been a significant increase in web traffic via mobile phones (55% of the population to 75%) and a decrease in web traffic by laptops and desktop computers (43.8% to 23.30%). Other data on internet usage also shows how many citizens are accessing the internet, with most citizens accessing social media via mobile phones – with Facebook having the largest share of web traffic of all social media platforms identified by users within Myanmar (89.7%). Twitter, Pinterest, YouTube, and Instagram are identified as the next largest four social media sites.

Figure 2: Comparison of the 2020 and 2024 collated data on the ‘Share of Web Traffic by Device’ for Myanmar. Source: DataReportal.

Overall, the implications from the various data sources suggest changes to how citizens are accessing social media and the internet, moving to more mobile use. This may be the result of internal migration as the conflict moves, restrictions on movement and enforcement of the 2010 conscription law by the junta from February 2024, as well as changing access to data and connectivity for individuals. However, what can also be extrapolated from the data on internet and social media usage is that use is still occurring despite the change in government in power.

The 2021 coup and its impact on media and digital discourse

Since the 2021 coup that brought the military back to power, the military government has tried to ban media outlets and exert control on journalists and the flow of information, both domestically and internationally. According to Reporters Without Borders (RSF) and the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), since its take-over of the country the junta has shown intolerance for any narratives not in line with its own. This has prompted many journalists to flee the country while others have been imprisoned, with the CPJ reporting that at the end of 2022 Myanmar had the third-highest number of imprisoned journalists globally. Any media left in the country are considered by most citizens to be state-controlled or state-supporting media, or even propaganda outlets of the junta.

The junta did not just target the national media landscape following its takeover in 2021. It also blocked social media platforms along with independent and international media, thereby requiring users to make use of VPN apps to stay connected and access information from alternative sources. There have been subsequent crackdowns since then – including a ban of VPN usage during the summer of 2024. This ban shut down some of the most favoured VPN services in the country at the time, disconnecting citizens from their favoured online media – Facebook and WhatsApp, among other websites. There were also reports by local media and citizens of soldiers inspecting citizens’ phones at random, looking for illegal VPN apps and then issuing fines or arresting those found to have VPNs on their phones. This demonstrates that there was a firm push to control the flow of information within the country and moving in/out of the country.

Other similar measures include the imposition of taxation on SIM cards and internet services (early 2022), a measure that saw a 15-percent tax levied on internet providers’ income and a 20,000 kyat (USD$11) commercial tax on SIMs. The obvious effect was that such measures raised costs for consumers, though one additional side-effect is the impact on educational provisions, as due to COVID-19 and displacement from the conflict many people are having to access education online. The burden of additional costs for internet access will determine who is able to continue their education and who is not. There has been a power supply-demand gap across the country that has increased since 2019, where power shortages occurred due to lower electricity production from gas-fired power plants and electricity generation via hydropower plants was increased in an attempt to fill the gap. Additional restrictions to internet connectivity have occurred due to power outages since the military takeover in 2021 due to political instability, as well as reports of the junta cutting off connectivity in regions where armed resistance to the its rule has been ongoing.

In a more recent move that has many inside and outside of the country viewing it as a potential further infringement of citizens’ rights and online activities, a new cybersecurity law was put into place as of January 1, 2025. The aim of the law, according to the junta, is to prevent threats to national sovereignty, peace, and stability through the use of electronic technologies. However, many see the newly passed law (not yet in force but to be determined at a yet undisclosed date) as detrimental not only to people within Myanmar, but to Myanmar citizens living abroad as well, as the law claims to apply to all nationals regardless of location.

Conclusion: Can social media be a space for climate change narratives within this type of context?

Given the current situation within the country, can social media be a space for democratizing climate change narratives? What, then, are some of the potential barriers and challenges for exploring social media as a democratizing space for climate change narratives in countries with similar political and social contexts as Myanmar? While the next steps for this evolving research project involve data collection via surveys and interviews with specific actors, preliminary thoughts related to some the key challenges can be identified within the specific context of Myanmar.

While there are voluntary and community groups working on the ground within Myanmar who are concerned about climate change and the impact of it to lives, livelihoods, and communities, it is less clear whether these groups are involved in specific climate change narratives that exist around resilience, adaptation, and mitigation. Others researching the nexus of climate change and conflict have looked at local community and civil society actors within Myanmar, as they have and continue to have an important role in managing day-to-day responses and have the potential to be community builders to support climate change resilience. Examples of community-led actions, such as the “installation of micro-hydropower facilities in war-torn Chin State,” indicate some potential solutions, in this case, bringing renewable energy sources to local communities. What emerges from this and other research to date is that what has been missing is that some local and marginalised groups, particularly ethnic groups and women, have had little agency in feeding into the shaping of narratives to develop action plans and policies, even at the local level.

Current climate change research in Myanmar highlights the gender bias and lack of agency by marginalized ethnic groups associated with developing narratives and actions. To address the lack of agency in shaping narratives of climate change, perhaps consideration needs to be given to how to leverage the population’s current use of social media and the internet. With citizens still currently engaged in use of the internet and accessing social media within Myanmar despite challenges posed by the government’s current policies and legislation, local civil society groups, as well as external partners, should be reviewing how to use social media to further engage communities in shaping how climate change is understood. Leveraging current social media use allows for pathways that engage those groups that are most marginalized and who have few ways of voicing their concerns, considerations, and experiences of climate change, to build resilience.